While Mentuemhet was reestablishing temple worship in the area of Thebes and Petesi was restoring Teuzoi in north central Egypt, Petosiris, high priest of Thoth, was performing similar repairs in Hermopolis, roughly mid-way between the two centers, on the west bank of the Nile. We must admit at the outset that our dating of his family tomb to the Saite period is conjectural, and the argument from its inscriptions is weakened on that account. But if only to set the record straight, and provide direction for further research, the inscriptions from Petosiris' tomb need to be re-examined. The brevity of our discussion belies the importance of the inscriptions, reflecting instead their uncertain dates.
The Dating of the Tomb.
The tomb was discovered in 1919 and excavated by M Gustave Lefebvre, who pubished his results in a series of preliminary reports and finally in his comprehensive Tombeau de Petosiris in 1924. From the outset he dated the tomb to the late 4th and early 3rd centuries. It was his belief that Petosiris functioned as lesionis of the temple of Thoth for seven years during the second Persian occupation of Egypt (343-332 B.C.), and that he describes the desecration of Egypt that occurred during his term in office. The tomb continued to be used by successive family members through the brief reign of Alexander and into the Ptolemaic period.
We note, however, that the dating of the tomb is highly subjective. Lefebvre notes in his initial preliminary report that the tomb contained no cartouche, no soverign's name, nor any other element which would allow him to propose, a priori, even an approximate date.[21] Only on subjective grounds did he claim to arrive at his conclusions. The style of writing is, according to him, of the late period (i.e. post 28th dynasty) But he admits that the hieroglyphs bear only the vaguest resemblance to those of the Ptolemaic period. The style of writing is pedantic, stylistically correct and conforms to the rules of Egyptian syntax. Based on linguistic criteria alone he considered that the tomb must date to the earliest part of this late period, near the time of Nectanebo. The artistic elements in the tomb, however, lead him to lower his dates toward the Ptolemaic period. He saw in the several artistic representations many indications of Greek influence. Notable among these were the long tunics worn by the men and robes reminiscent of those worn by Greek women. But as he himself admits, these garments are not distinctive of the 4th century B.C.; similar garments could be seen by Lefebvre in the near east of the twentieth century. And the garments are not Greek; they reflect a Persian influence. "Voici maintenant un manteau, grec d'origine, mais modifie sous une influence etrangere, persane ou asiatique, et qui ne s'est pas encore rencontre hors d'Egypte. [22]
In the final analysis, while Lefebvre claims to date the tomb on the basis of the style of writing and foreign influence on the costumes of the artistic figures, his date is based primarily on the content of the inscriptions. They speak of an invasion and destruction of Egypt by a foreign army, the subsequent occupation of the country by foreigners, and Petosiris' extensive repairs of the devastation caused by the foreigners. Those descriptive elements do not fit the destruction of Egypt by Cambyses in 525 B.C., the only other dating possibility considered by Lefebvre. Petosiris' father is depicted as living under an indigenous pharaoh, while Petosiris' term in office, in Lefebvre's understanding at least, was contemporary with the last seven years of the foreign domination, clearly a chronological impossibility if the inscriptions relate to the 120 year long first Persian occupation of Egypt. That possibility was considered and immediately rejected. Petosiris must belong to the second Persian domination.[23]
But artistic considerations are notoriously suspect for dating purposes. Persian costume and Persian influence did not change appreciably from the first to the second periods of Persian rule in Egypt. And we know that the Saite dynasty, which in the revised history overlaps the first Persian domination, was characterized by considerable Greek influence.
The Tomb Inscriptions
Lefebvre dependence on chronological assumptions was a mistake. His erroneous dating also influenced his translations. The tomb inscriptions speak frequently of a period of foreign rule over Egypt. For Lefebvre this could only refer to the time of the second Persian domination (343-332 B.C.). In the same context in which Petosiris speaks ill of this calamitous era he applauds his seven years as lesionis of Thoth. Therefore, Lefebvre reasoned, Petosiris must have been priest during the time of this foreign rule. His translations reflect that understanding. The only alternative, dating the priesthood of Petosiris subsequent to the brief Persian domination, was rejected on other grounds. In general most scholars have agreed with Lefebvre. Olmstead is typical:
"Petosiris became head of the most important family at Hermopolis in 339, less than four years after the Persian reconquest. He, too, made his peace with the powers that were, but writing during the reign of the Macedonian Philip Arrhidaeus he has much to say of Persian misrule." [24]There are several relevant texts among the tomb inscriptions. We restrict our analysis to Lefebvre's inscription no. 81, found on the east wall of the main chapel and considered by him to be the most significant. Petosiris begins this lengthy biographical inscription with a brief genealogical reference to his father Seshou and his brother Zedthotefankh, to whom a portion of the tomb is dedicated. We are not informed what happened to them? They apparently had constructed no tombs of their own, since Petosiris feels compelled to create speeches on their behalf within his own mortuary space. The father, at least, ruled under a native pharaoh. The fate of the elder brother is obscure. Did one or both perish in the time of trouble, when burial within Egypt was denied them?
I built this tomb in this necropolis.Petosiris continues in lines 28-33 of the inscription - after a brief outburst of religious sentiment - to detail significant events in his life, beginning with a brief overview:
Beside the great souls who are there,
In order that my father's name be pronounced,
And that of my elder brother,
A man is revived when his name is pronounced![25]
I spent seven years as controller for this god,Then begins a lengthy description of the reforms instituted by Petosiris, rivalling if not eclipsing those claimed by Mentuemhet:
Administering his endowment without fault being found,
While the Ruler-of-foreign-lands was Protector in Egypt,
And nothing was in its former place,
Since fighting had started inside Egypt,
The South being in turmoil, the North in revolt;
The people walked with [head turned back]
All temples were without their servants,
The priests fled, not knowing what was happening.
When I became controller for Thoth, lord of Khmun,There follows a description of specific acts of restoration: the construction of a temple of Re, with doors of pinewood inlaid with Asian copper; the rebuilding of a house for the goddesses within the Khnum temple, of white limestone, elegantly finished; the construction of an enclosure surrounding the temple park in an area "damaged by wretches and traversed by intruders". Other ruins were left as Petosiris found them, with appropriate memorials:
I put the temple of Thoth in its former condition,
I caused every rite to be as before,
Every priest (to serve) in his proper time.
I made great his priests,
Advanced his temple's hour-priests;
I promoted all his servants,
I gave rule to his attendants.
I did not reduce the offering in his temple,
I filled his granaries with barley and emmer,
His treasury with every good thing.
I increased what there had been before ...
I gave silver, gold, and all precious stone ...
I made splended what was found ruined anywhere
I restored what had decayed long ago,
and was no long in its place.
Now when I was before this goddess,
Heket, lady of Herwer,
At her beautiful feast of the year's last month,
I being controller of Thoth,
She went to a spot in the north of this town,
To "House of Heket," as it is called by all,
Which was ruined since time immemorial.
The water had carried it off every year,
Till its foundation plan was no longer seen,
It only was called "House of Heket,"
While no brick nor stone was there,
Then the goddess halted there.
It is apparent from these
few excerpts that the events described by Petosiris fit perfectly the circumstances
which prevailed in the years immediately following Cyrus 543 B.C. conquest
of Egypt. There existed a tumultuous time during which
both the north and south of Egypt were destroyed, men wandered about aimlessly
(or were taken away captive?) while priests abandoned the temples.
There must have elapsed a considerable time to account for "years" of damage
by water and ruins neglected "since time immemorial". When
Petosiris arrived on the scene following years of exile there was need
to initiate the temple service from the ground up. The majority
of priests did not return. Men of lower rank were elevated to the
priesthood. The temple cultus was reestablished "as had been before."
There is but a single problem with this hypothetical reconstruction. It does not entirely agree with the translation provided by Lefebvre, who dates the lesionis of Petosiris during, not following, the time of the devastation of Egypt. Lefebvre's translation reflects his interpretation, not the reverse. Recently Bernadette Menu reexamined the texts which mention the seven year lesionis of Petosiris and determined, based on "the logical coherence and chronology of events", that the priesthood of Petosiris' took place after, not during the Persian domination.[26] Her analysis and retranslation of lines 28-33, quoted earlier by Lichtheim (following Lefebvre), serve to establish a more reasonable sequence of events.
Menu sees a three-fold division of lines 28-33, including the text following:
1. Petosiris states
how he has exercised the office of lesonis of Thoth for seven years.
"I passed seven years as administrator of this god Thoth administering
his goods without any fault being found in my administration."
2. Petosiris describes
the lamentable state of the temple of Hermopolis during the period of trouble
immediately preceding his nomination:
...whereas a king of a foreign land had exercised his protectorate over Egypt. There remained nothing which was in its former place, since the struggles took place in the midst of Egypt. The South was in turmoil and the north was in revolt, men walking about in disarray. There remained no temple available for (the use of) its officiants. The priests were far removed (from the sanctuaries) and were ignorant of what was transpiring.3. Petosiris assesses his (subsequent) activity as administrator (beyond verse 33):
I exercised the function of administrator of Thoth, lord of Khmunu, for seven years. Men of a foreign land ruled Egypt. I did everything well in his temple while men of a foreign land ruled Egypt. No work had been done (in the temple) since the foreigners came and invaded Egypt.While we agree with Menu on the sequence of events, we suggest an alternative division of the text. We believe with Lefebvre that Petosiris exercised his office of lesionis "while a king of a foreign land exercised his protectorate over Egypt." We also agree that that king of a foreign land was Persian. But in the revised chronology Persian rule followed the destruction of the temples of Egypt and the exile of its priests. Persian rule was not its cause. Lefebre's text should therefore be partitioned as follows:
1. Petosiris describes his activity under Cyrus in the first Persian occupation:
I spent seven years as controller for this god,2. Petosiris describes the state of affairs which greeted his arrival back in Egypt:
Administering his endowment without fault being found,
While the Ruler-of-foreign-lands was Protector in Egypt,
And nothing was in its former place,3. Petosiris proceeds to assess his activity as lesionis.
Since fighting had started inside Egypt,
The South being in turmoil, the North in revolt;
The people walked with [head turned back]
All temples were without their servants,
The priests fled, not knowing what was happening.
With the tomb inscription wrongly assigned to the 4th century we can readily see the source of confusion . There are two distinct groups of foreigners alluded to in the text. No wonder Lefebvre was confused. Menu as well. The first group, whom we believe to be the Babylonians, invaded the country, killed or exiled the priests, plundered and destroyed the temples, and left Egypt in a state of anarchy. Their actions are viewed by Petosiris as entirely destructive. No ruler of these foreign intruders is ever mentioned. The second group of foreigners, whom we believe to be the Persians under Cyrus, "ruled Egypt" benevolently, and provided the context in which the reforms of Petosiris might proceed. With the activity of Petosiris viewed in the context of the revised chronology, Menu's argument with Lefebvre is moot. Lefebvre's translation requires little emendation, only reinterpretation. His tomb inscription 59 lines 2,3 is a case in point.
I exercised the function of administrator (lesionis) of Thoth, lord of Khumumu for seven year while men of a foreign land (the Persians) governed Egypt. I found the temple of Thoth [fallen in ruins ... I called the scribes] (who) were found (in) this temple; I gave them money and grain, filled their hands, in order to raise up again monuments in his temple - since for a long time no work had been done,, since foreigners (the Babylonians) came and invaded Egypt. (insertions and italics mine)[27]We need not assume that Petosiris arrived in Hermopolis at the beginning of the first Persian period. His seven year tenure as lesionis and associated reforms may be dated any time during the interval 543-525 B.C., or even beyond. Without doubt restoration activity was underway in other Egyptian centres during these 18 years. But as we will see in the chapters which follow, when Cambyses arrived in Egypt in 525 B.C. even the temple of Neith in Sais - the west Delta town with which Psamtik is historically connected, and which ultimately became the capital of the country - remained in ruins. Much of the recovery from the lengthy forty year exile was underway, but much remained to be done.