In the first year of his reign Psamtik II followed the example of his grandfather Psamtik I and installed his daughter as the adoptive daughter of the incumbant god's wife in Thebes.   Surprisingly, the current god's wife was none other than Nitocris, the daughter of Psamtik I, still alive and active since her initiation in the 9th year of her father (or the 9th year of Darius as we have argued earlier).   Ten years later, in the 4th year of Apries, Nitocris died and Ankhnesneferibre was enthroned as the god's wife.   These facts derive from the inscription on an alabaster statue discovered in 1904 by Legrain as part of the famous Karnak cache in Thebes.   The relevant portion of the text states:

    Year 1, third month of Shomu, day 29 under the majesty of the Horus Menekh-ib, the Two Ladies User-aa, the Horus of God Snefer-tawy, the king of Upper and Lower Egypt Neferibre, the son of Re Psammetichus, given life.  On this day arrival of the king's daughter Ankhnesneferibre in Thebes.  Her mother, the god's wife Nitocris, may she live, 'came forth' to see her beauty.  They went together to the temple of Amun.  Then there was brought the diving image (?) from the temple of Amun to the place where they were (?) in order to make her titulary as follows: great songstress of the residence of Amun, the one who carries the flowers in the chapel, chief of the enclosure of Amun, first prophet of Amun, king's daughter Ankhnesneferibre.  She met her father, Amun-Re, lord of the thrones of the two lands, foremost in Karnak.
    Year 7, first month of Akhet, day 23.  This god, the good god, lord of the two lands, Psammetichus went to the sky, he was united with the sun disk, the limbs of the god being merged with him who created him.  Then his son was caused to appear on his throne, the Horus Wah-ib, the Two Ladies Neb-khepesh, the Horus of Gold, Sewadjtawy, the King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Haaibre, the son of Re, Wahibre, may he live.
    Year 4, fourth month of Shomu, day 4 of this king.  The god's wife Nitocris, justified, went to the sky, she was united with the sun disk, the limbs of the god (i.e. Nitocris) being merged with him who made her.  Her daughter, the first prophet Ankhnesneferibre, did for her everything which is done for every beneficent king.  ...   There was made her titulary as noblewoman, great of kindness, great of praises, lady of grace, sweet of love, mistress of all women, "god's wife", divine adoratress Heqat-neferu-mut, hand of the god Ankhnesneferibre, may she live, king's daughter of the lord of the two lands Psammetichus.[22]

The Titularies of Ankhnesneferibre & Psamtik II

        It is important to note that the new god's wife, in addition to titles descriptive of her religious and political offices, - great songstress of the residence of Amun, the one who carries the flowers in the chapel, chief of the enclosure of Amun, first prophet of Amun - assumed as well a number of epithets - noblewoman, great of kindness, great of praises, lady of grace, sweet of love, mistress of all women, god's wife - and a "prenomen" Heqat-neferu-mut to accompany her "nomen" Ankhnesneferibre.  Both names are written in cartouches.    It is clear from the inscription that this employment of a double cartouche, a convention typically restricted to the reigning monarch, intends to communicate her usurpation of  royal powers.  But Ankhnesneferibre is supposedly a princess and a god's wife,  not a queen.  She is clearly breaking with tradition, apparently deliberately.  Earlier in the stela, when she records her personal name, only the Neferibre portion is contained in a cartouche.   At the end, with the addition of the second cartouche name, the entire nomen is encircled.  The Egyptologist Anthony Leahy, the most recent interpreter of the monument, notes how "Significantly, at this point in the text, her whole name - and not just her father's component of it - was for the first time written in a cartouche, thus completing her transference to regal status."[23]

        We notice as well a second anomaly related to the name of the new god's wife.   According to the inscription, Psamtik's daughter bore the name Ankhnesneferibre when she was given up for adoption in her father's first year.   But the name is basiliphorous, incorporating Psamtik's prenomen Neferibre, a name which the new king had only just received as his throne name.   If convention has been followed in the naming process then one of two possible explanations must prevail.  Either a) Ankhnesneferibre was born the same year she was given up for adoption to Nitocris (i.e. she was an infant) or b) she possessed an entirely different birth name and was given the new name Ankhnesneferibre only after the coronation of her father, only months before her journey to Thebes as the adoptive daughter of Nitocris.  Leahy seriously considered both possibilities before siding with the second explanation.   But a straightforward reading of the text gives no support to either alternative.

        We propose a third explanation, namely, that the original name of Psamtik II was Neferibre, not Psamtik.   The assumption that the king's "prenomen", a name typically prefixed by the hieroglyphs translated "king of Upper and Lower Egypt" (the so-called nsw bity formula), was necessarily the king's throne name, is based on precedents established in the days of the national pharaohs.   Such conventional niceties were not necessarily followed by the Saite kings.   In the Ankhnesneferibre stele itself there is supportive evidence for this conjecture.

        We have observed that Ankhnesneferibre felt no qualms about adopting the dual cartouches of royalty, to a degree a break with convention.   But there is even more compelling evidence from the stele that our explanation is reasonable.  In the incised area above the inscription are several scenes of note.  The one on the upper left depicts a king Wahibre facing the gods Amun and Mut.  Above the king is the inscription "The king of Upper and Lower Egypt Wahibre".   Since the stela was erected in the reign of Haaibre Wahibre (Apries) we can safely assume that Apries is the king portrayed in the scene.  Leahy agrees.   But Wahibre is the nomen, not the prenomen of Apries.    It is his personal name.

        If the nsw bity hieroglyphs can prefix a king's birth name once, especially in so prominent a position on such an important public monument, then there can be no argument with the proposal that these hieroglyphs may introduce the original name of Psamtik II.  That fact would serve to explain at least one other widely observed anomaly connected with the reign of Psamtik II, namely,  the relative abundance of inscriptions bearing his name.   Given that Psamtik II reigned only slightly less than six years, it is surprising to scholars that there are more documents bearing the name "Neferibre",. either singly or in basiliphorous compounds, than the combined documents attesting the 54 year reign of Psamtik I and the 16 year reign of Necau Wahemibre.   The problem is solved if we assume that Psamtik II bore the name Neferibre (in a cartouche) while still a prince functioning in some administrative or military capacity under Necao and even under Psamtik I.   We can assume he was not a youth when he took office.   His grandfather Psamtik I was born - according to the revised history - before the invasion of Nebuchadrezzar in 564 B.C.  Assuming twenty-five years for a generation, we might tentatively date Necao's birth in c.a. 539 B.C. and Neferibre's birth in c.a. 514 B.C.   Neferibre the prince would then be politically active from c.a. 494-474 B.C., through the tumultuous last years of Psamtik I, the Egyptian rebellion of 488-484 B.C., the years of Xerxes battles with Greece and the final decade of Necao's life.   He may well have become a national hero through his exploits during those years.   Thus his prominence in the monuments.

        Ankhnesneferibre was likely born around 494 B.C., was named after her father, and was around twenty years of age in 474 B.C. when Psamtik became king and sent her to Thebes as the adoptive daughter of Nitocris.   There is no need to question the origins of the name Ankhnesneferibre.   She had borne the name since birth several decades before her father became king.

        This mention of Nitocris brings to mind the second major problem with the dates on the Ankhnesneferibre enthronement stela.

The Aged Nitocris

        In the traditional history Nitocris became the adoptive daughter of Shepenwepet II in the 9th year of Psamtik I, 656 B.C.    She died in office in the 4th year of Apries,  586 B.C.    When scholars note the fact that she served the god Amon either as adoptive daughter or as the god's wife for a total of 70 years they are impressed, but not stupefied.    After all, they say, she was the daughter of Psamtik I who ruled Egypt for 54 years.   She came by her longevity naturally.

        But there is a vast difference between 54 years and 70 years.   To be fair to the scholars, they have clearly felt uncomfortable about the situation.   Were that not the case we would not continually read claims that Nitocris was in her early teens, or perhaps still in puberty, when taken to Thebes by Psamtik I.   The image of a 90 year old functioning god's wife is just too difficult to imagine.

        There is no need to dwell on this problem.   A solution has already been proposed.   Although the revised history lowered Saite dynasty dates by a uniform 121 years, leaving unchanged the time span between the 9th year of Psamtik I (now 535 B.C.)  and the 4th year of Apries (now 465 B.C.) we have previously suggested that the 9th year of Psamtik in the Nitocris Adoption stela should be read as the 9th year of Darius I (513 B.C.).   The suggestion was not critical to the argument of this revision; it served only to answer a criticism concerning the integrity of the Petesi family records.[24]   But the proposal also solves this second problem.   If Nitocris began her career in 513 B.C. and died in 465 B.C. then her term of office reduces from 70 years to 48 years, admittedly still a lengthy tenure, but a far more palatable number.

        Which brings us to our final problem with the Ankhnesneferibre inscription, this time with her lengthy tenure in office.

The Aged Ankhnesneferibre

        The incised area above the inscription on the Ankhnesneferibre monument contains a second scene in addition to that of Wahibre honoring the gods Amun and Mut.   Again we quote Leahy:

On the right, the god's wife Ankhnesneferibre, wearing the characteristic two-feathered crown, uraeus and a voluminous garment, shakes sistra before Amun and Khonsu.  Behind her is a slightly smaller figure, in short kilt and diaphanous longer overskirt, acting as fanbearer and identified as her chief steward Sheshonq.[25]

        When the Ankhnesneferibre statue was discovered in 1904 it immediately raised questions, for the god's wife was already a well recognized figure.  Several decades earlier Mariette had conducted an extensive survey of the temples at Karnak.  Included among the scenes published from the small temple situated north of the hypostyle hall of Amon's temple (Mariette's temple J) were several depictions of the god's wife Ankhnesneferibre in close association with a king Ankhkanre Psamtik.   In these scenes the god's wife is pictured as a young woman followed by the diminutive figure of her chief steward (mr pr wr) Sheshonk.

        The identity of Ankhkanre was immediately recognized by Mariette, based on the combined testimony of Herodotus (who supplied the historical context) and Udjahorresne (who supplied the king's prenomen).  The inscriptions, Mariette reasoned, must date to the year 525 B.C..  The young king Psamtek had only ruled for six months.  His dates were certain.

        At the time of that initial publication Mariette possessed no genealogical information related to the god's wife Ankhnesneferibre.  Only after Legrain's discovery of the enthronement stela in 1904 was it revealed that she was the daughter of Psamtik II and that she had assumed offfice in her father's 1st year, 595 B.C..  In an article published subsequent to Legrain's discovery Mariette remarked:

We find Ankhnasnofiribri still living under Psamtik III, more than seventy years after she arrived in Thebes in the 1st year of Psamtik II.  In taking princesses very young one was able to prepare them more readily for their role, and one had the (increased) likelihood of avoiding frequent changes.[26]

        The same year that Legrain discovered the Ankhnesneferibre monument he also came across another important inscription, this time a door portal originating from the chapel of Osiris Pameres in Karnak.   A scene inscribed on the door frontal pictured Ankhkanre Psamtik and Ankhnesneferibre in adjoining panels, to the left Ankhkanre Psamtik in front of Amon and Tafnut, and to the right Ankhnesneferibre shaking her sistrum before Amon and Khonsu.   She is followed by the high steward "Sheshonk, son of the steward of the divine adoratress, Pedineit".  The Osiris chapel inscription is clearly contemporary with that from Mariette's Karnak temple J.   Legrain has nothing to add to the comments of Mariette regarding Ankhnesneferibre's extreme longevity.  His remarks center instead on the steward Sheshonk, questioning his relationship to the god's wife and noting that this steward, visible in the enthronement stela in 586 B.C. and on the Karnak and Osiris chapel inscriptions of 525 B.C., must have experienced the same remarkable long life as his mistress.  "The temple J (inscription) and  that of Osiris Pameres show him to us in the same role more than sixty years later."[27]

        Very little has changed since the discoveries of Legrain which began the 20th century.   In the middle of the last century a proposal was made that the Sheshonks at either end of the tenure of Ankhnesneferibre were different, the first being a son of Harsiese, the second a son of Pedineit.[28]   Even assuming the validity of that proposal,  the fundamental problem - the lengthy tenure of Ankhnesneferibre - remains.  Speculation abounds concerning the age of Psamtik's daughter when she was adopted by Nitocris.   As was the case with Nitocris, scholars have attempted to reduce as much as possible  her age at the time of her adoption.   We have already noted how Leahy even considered the possibility that she was brought to Thebes while less than a year old.  That proposal was not simply an attempt to explain her basiliphorous name, and it underscores the perceived difficulty with the extreme longevity of the god's wife.  Scholars clearly sense the problem of the Karnak and Osiris temple inscriptions, though they seem reluctant to articulate their thoughts.

        If Ankhnesneferibre was a young woman when she was adopted by Nitocris in 595 B.C.  then she must have been around ninety years old in the days of Psamtik III in 525 B.C. (and she is still, apparently, alive and active).   It seems fair to enquire as to the precise relationship which held between this ninety year old god's wife and Ankhkanre Psamtik?.    A king and his wife, or a king and his sister, often appear in concert with one another on Egyptian monuments, but not a young king and some ninety year old distant relative, whom the artisan has decided to portray as a twenty year old woman.   We recall that Psamtik III in the traditional history is the son of Ahmose-sa-Neith who is an interloper.   The family of Psamtik II and the family of Amasis are at most distantly related.   What possible reason would prompt this young king, during his brief six months of reign, with the Persian Empire on his doorstep threatening to overrun his kingdom, to have his artisans portray him hand in hand (so to speak)  with the elderly god's wife on the walls of Theban temples?   We should either question the sanity of Psamtik III or the interpretation of the scholars.   We adopt the second alternative.

        Enough is enough.   Ankhnesneferibre did not live to the ripe old age of ninety and counting.   The inscriptions on the walls of the Theban temples were made at most several decades after the enthronement of the god's wife, and probably much less, possibly only a few years later.   That would be the natural interpretation of these monuments had it not been for the misinterpretation of the Udjahorresne inscription and the faulty history of the Pseudo-Herodotus which resulted in the mistaken belief that this king succeeded Ahmose-sa-Neith and was therefore his son.

        The Sheshonk in all these inscriptions is the son of Pedineit (Sheshonk B).     The other high steward, Sheshonk, son of Harsiese (Sheshonk A), either held office early in the reign of Psamtik I, as argued by Miriam Lichtheim [29], or late in the reign of Amasis.  It has been recognized for some time that a daughter of Amasis named Nitocris became the adoptive daughter of Ankhnesneferibre in Amasis' first year.   The probability is great that she succeeded Ankhnesneferibre when the god's wife died, probably mid-way in Amasis' reign.   If so, and if our earlier reasoning concerning her date of birth is correct, her life spanned the years c.a. 494-427 B.C.   She was therefore around 67 years old at death.   Scholars should reexamine the relevant inscriptions of the high stewards, relieved of the necessity of maintaining the fiction of Ankhnesneferibre's long life, in order to establish the time of Sheshonk, son of Harsiese.    The problem in its entirety is a by-product of the errant traditional history which insists on identifying Ankhkanre Psamtik as the son of Ahmose-sa-Neith and dating his reign to the year 525 B.C.

        But if Ankhkanre Psamtik is not the successor of Ahmose-sa-Neith, then who is he?

Psamtik III

        There is not a single inscription which records the genealogical connections of Ankhkanre Psamtik.   There does exist a Serapeum stela (IM 4034), edited by Vercoutter [30], erected by a Psamtik, son of a king Khnemibre, the latter apparently alive at the time the inscription was made.   The stela is often cited as one of the few inscriptions bearing the name of Psamtik III.   But this text proves nothing.   Assuming that this king Khnemibre is Ahmose-sa-Neith, there is no indication that his son Psamtik ever became a king.   As we have already seen, the name Psamtik is ubiquitous in the Saite/Persian dynasty.  That Ahmose had a son by that name is hardly surprising.   But the son's name in IM 4034 is not even enclosed in a cartouche.  There is absolutely nothing to indicate that he succeeded his father and nothing to suggest his identification with Ankhkanre Psamtik.

        In our reassessment of the only three demotic documents assigned by scholars to the hypothetical Psamtik III, we concluded that they belong to the reign of Psamtik II.   The Serapeum stela IM 4034 is of no assistance in dating Ankhanre Psamtik.   The Karnak temple inscriptions do not prove that Ankhanre lived after Ahmose-sa-Neith; they assume that fact as the basis for their interpretation.    The name of  Ankhkanre Psamtik is otherwise attested on only a few scattered artifacts and statue fragments.   None of these provide any chonological information.   How then do we assign dates to this enigmatic king?

        Our only clue to the dates of Ankhkanre Psamtik comes from the Karnak and Osiris temple inscriptions.  They picture a young man the same age as Ankhnesneferibre and of equal rank.  This king must have reigned sometime shortly after 465 B.C.,  during the second Egyptian rebellion.   He may well have been another son of Psamtik II.  Ankhnesneferibre is possibly his sister.  She may also be his wife.

       Twentieth century Egyptologists are of the opinion that the god's wives remained celebate throughout their tenure in office.   Nineteenth century Egyptologists believed otherwise, frequently identifying the spouse of the divine adoratress on an ad hoc basis.    We will not engage that debate.   There is no need.   We have already noted that Ankhnesneferibre was not a typical god's wife.   Scholars often remark on how she was the first to adopt, while still an heiress, the office of high priest.    We have observed how her titulary reveals political aspirations quite atypical for a god's wife.   And finally, we have pointed out that her enthronement coincided with the outbreak of a second and prolonged Egyptian rebellion against Persian rule.   It should not surprise anyone that the god's wife, soon after her enthonement, during the initial stages of the rebellion, should marry and share power with her husband Psamtik.  Nor should we be alarmed that yet another Psamtik, whether or not married to Ankhnesneferibre, and whether or not from the royal line, claimed the status of a king in the vicinity of Thebes while the revolt of Inaros escalated in the north. [31]    As to Psamtik's genealogical connections we can only speculate.   At least two other participants in the decades long rebellion were probably sons of Psamtik II.    That yet another son of that same king should exercise limited rule in Thebes is not entirely out of the question.