Chapter 4
Closing the Loop
One Final Objection - Ugarit
Two distinct peoples dominated
the north-eastern Mediterranean coastline during the heyday of the
Hittite Empire, that is, in the time interval from Suppiluliumas I to
Suppiluliumas II. The northern and central coastal regions,
those which lay east of the Orontes and the Lebanon range and ran
roughly from Beirut to Simyra, were part of the state of Amurru, well
known from the Amarna letters when it was dominated by a troublesome
tyrant named Aziru. Further north, extending to the
Anatolian coastline, thus bordering the Hittite kingdom itself, lay the
state controlled by the port city of Ugarit.
Our
interest in Ugarit later in this chapter is restricted to its final
days in the middle of the 8th century. Momentarily however,
our attention remains focussed a century earlier.
In the last chapter, when we
discussed at some length the infamous march by Shalmanezer III (858-824
B.C.) across the Hatti lands of north Syria to the Mediterranean coast,
whence he "washed his weapons in the sea", we omitted any
reference to a potential problem for our thesis. In our revised
history the incident took place in Shalmanezer's initial year as king
(858 B.C.) and was followed up by a second whirlwind tour of conquest,
which again extended to the Mediterranean, in his 4th year (855 B.C.)
In our revised history these dates correspond to the
initial years of the reign of Mursilis. The city of Ugarit must
have been a thriving metropolis at the time, yet Shalmanezer
makes no mention of
its existence. The critic will surely ask why.
A closer look at the annals of
Shalmanezer provides the answer. In his initial tour of
conquest Shalmanezer's advance to the sea took him considerably
to the south
of Ugarit, where he apparently had no interest in engaging the peoples
of the area in battle. The Assyrian king expressly
states in
his annals that the cities of the coast offered no
resistance. Consequently they were left to themselves and
are not named in his
records.
"I received tribute
from the kings of the seashore. I marched
straightaway unopposed ... throughout the wide seashore", i.e. down the
coast. ANET 278
As the annals continue it is
apparent that the Assyrian army at the time moved southward, away from
Ugarit.
The situation was different in
Shalmanezer's
fourth year. This time several coastal cities resisted
the advance of the Assyrian army and were brutalized in response.
Again
Ugarit is not mentioned by name, but this time its presence is
confirmed, albeit obliquely. Explaning precisely how requires us
to first produce, in summary form, a listing of the city's kings during
the final century of its existence.
Kings
of Ugarit
A listing of the known kings
of Ugarit during the 9th/8th centuries will serve to support the
accuracy of our revised chronology in two respects. On the one
hand it will allow us to argue our claim that the city continued to
thrive at least as late as the 4th year of Shalmanezer III, thus
through the middle decades of the 9th century B.C. This fact, if
it can be established, contrasts markedly with the view of the
traditional history in which Ugarit was destroyed by a combination of
marauders and natural disaster sometime late in the 13th century B.C.
The king list will establish with some degree of certainty that
the dates we have provided for Mursilis are accurate within a few years.
On the other hand our analysis
of the king list will serve to validate a proposal we made earlier to
considerably reduce the reign lengths of the Hittite kings Mursilis and
Muwatallis, what some might have considered at the time to be an
arbitrary and self-serving adjustment to the historical record.
We begin with the latter
issue.
Reduced
Reign Lengths. Following the accidental discovery of the
site of Ugarit (Ras Shamra) early in the 20th century, multiple
excavations provided a treasure trove of inscriptional material, much
of it dating to the last century of the city's existence, the majority
related to the final traumatic days before the city fell to the
combined onslaught of invading "sea peoples" and catastophic
earthquake(s). Synchronisms between Hittite and Ugaritic
kings provided by these materials allow scholars to establish
the order and a rough chronology of the terminal Ugaritic kings, from
the days of Suppiluliumas I to the fall of Hatti in the time of
Suppiluliumas II.
According to several documents
retrieved from the "rubble" of the city, the destruction of Ugarit and
the fall of Hattusas must have occurred within months, if not days, of
each other, an event we date to the middle of the 8th
century, and discuss at length later in this chapter. Our
attention here is focussed on the middle of the ninth century, the time
of a Ugaritic king named Niqmaddu and his sons Arhalbu and
Niqmepa, who are clearly identified in the archives of Ugarit as
contemporaries of Suppiluliumas I and his immediate
descendants.
Since the traditional history
dates
Suppiluliumas I and his immediate offspring to the 14th century B.C.,
it is compelled to date Niqmaddu and his sons to that same time
frame. We
have previously listed the traditional dates for the Hittite
kings. The table below adds the approximate dates
assigned by the traditional history to the kings of Ugarit for the same
time period.
Comment follows.
Hittite kings
|
Traditional Dates |
Kings of Ugarit |
Traditional dates.
|
Suppiluliumas I
|
1375-1335 |
Amishtamru I
|
c. 1360
|
| Arnuwandas III |
1335-1334 |
Niqmaddu II
|
1360-1330
|
| Mursilis II |
1334-1306 |
Arhalbu
|
1330-1324
|
| Muwatallis |
1306-1282 |
Niqmepa
|
1324-1265
|
| Urhi-Teshub (Mursilis III) |
1282-1275 |
Amishtamru II
|
1265-1240
|
| Hattusilis III |
1275-1250 |
Ibiranu
|
1240-?
|
| Tudhaliyas IV |
1250-1220 |
Niqmaddu III
|
?-1225
|
| Arnuwandas IV |
1220-1200 |
Amurappi
|
1225-1180
|
| Suppiluliumas II |
? |
"
|
|
The dates assigned to the kings of
Ugarit vary considerably from scholar to scholar, depending in part on
the
dates assigned to their Hittite contemporaries. However,
several
aspects of the chronology are invariable and need to be highlighted.
While the length of the reign of the
king known as Niqmaddu II is unknown, two aspects of his tenure in
office are generally accepted. His reign overlapped to a
large extent the end of the reign of Suppiluliumas II, with whom he is
known to have entered into a treaty relationship. [The
document describing Hittite suzerainty over Niqmaddu's realm is
extant.] It is also generally agreed that his reign extended
into the early years of Mursilis II, ending enigmatically around the
4th or 5th year of this Hittite king.
There is also general agreement that
Niqmaddu II was succeeded by two
sons, Arhalbu and Niqmepa. The first son ruled for
less than a decade, his reign ending mysteriously as the young
king, forseeing his end, bequeathed his wife to his younger
brother Niqmepa. Perhaps he was dying of the plague which
at the time ravaged the Hittite kingdom of Mursilis.
His brother was more fortunate. Not only did he live to rule a
normal span of years, but enjoyed a prolonged reign of upwards of 60
years, an abnormal longevity to say the least. And therein lies
the problem.
The extended reign of
Niqmepa is the stuff of legends. Documents confirm that his rule
overlapped the reigns of Mursilis, Muwatallis, Urhi Teshub and
Hattusilis. And all this after he succeeded not his
father,
but his brother! A cursory glance at the table above
suggests that the combined reigns of Niqmaddu II and sons lasted for
upwards of 100 years. Remarkable if true! Amazingly,
scholars do not seem to have a problem with the suggestion.
In her Cambridge Ancient History
article on "Ugarit" Margaret Drower
merely cites the data and moves on.
After a long reign of
perhaps more than sixty years, as the vassal of
four successive Hittite sovereigns, Neqmepa was succeeded, about 1265
B.C. by his son Ammishtamru, the second of the name. CAH II.2 p. 141
But the difficulty with the chronology
does not end here. Drower goes on immediately to document
the reign of Niqmepa's son Amishtamru II.
Although he must have
been a middle-aged man at the time of his
accession, it would appear that the affairs of the state were managed
for a short time by the dowager queen Akhat-milki, the daughter of King
DU-Tessub of Amurru. (p. 141)
Dower is mistaken. There is
really only one way to
interpret the documents which form the basis for her otherwise
innocuous statement. Amushtamru was not, as
stated, "a middle-aged man at the time of his accession". He was
clearly not old enough to reign when his father died, and the kingdom
was
for a time ruled in his stead by his mother. But
interpreting the evidence in this most straightforward way would only
serve to compound the chronological difficulty. It is
already necessary to assume that Niqmepa
(who was already an adult close to thirty years old when he
inherited the throne from his brother) was well over ninety when his
reign
ended. The suggestion that he fathered a child by his
Amorite wife only a decade or so before his death only serves to
exacerbate the problem. While not
impossible, the scenario is unlikely. We believe that
a faulty
chronology is the likely cause of the problem.
In the revised history the situation
improves considerably. With the reigns of Mursilis and
Muwatallis overlapping and considerably reduced in length (as we argued
in the last chapter), the reign
length of Niqmepa can be reduced to about half the traditional
value. The dates in the table below, although
approximations only, are probably accurate to within 5
years.
Hittite kings
|
Revised Dates |
Kings of Ugarit |
Revised Dates.
|
Suppiluliumas I
|
908-858
|
Amishtamru I
|
|
| Arnuwandas III |
858-857
|
Niqmaddu II
|
883-855
|
| Mursilis II |
857-836
|
Arhalbu
|
855-848
|
| Muwatallis |
846-832
|
Niqmepa
|
848-815
|
| Urhi-Teshub (Mursilis III) |
832-825
|
Amishtamru II
|
815-790
|
| Hattusilis III |
825-800
|
Ibiranu
|
790-?
|
| Tudhaliyas IV |
800-775
|
Niqmaddu III
|
?-775
|
| Arnuwandas IV |
775-765
|
Amurappi
|
775-760
|
| Suppiluliumas II |
765-760
|
|
|
The
Expulsion of Niqmaddu II. The history of Ugarit
under discussion relates to our thesis in yet another way, previously
mentioned. In both the traditional and revised
histories there is consensus that the reign of Niqmaddu II ended in a
bizarre fashion sometime early in the reign of Mursilis II.
The two historical schemes differ only in the absolute dates assigned
to the incident, and thus in the interpretation of the relevant
data. Since much of the discussion which follows is not
original to this author, and is borrowed from the earlier revisionist
work of Immanuel Velikovsky, we use that author's words to introduce
the relevant documents.
In the fifth chapter of his Ages in
Chaos Velikovsky describes an inscription found in the ruins
of
Ugarit which he relates to the time of the final destruction of the
city.
The excavator of Ras
Shamra found that the city had been destroyed by violence and had not
been rebuilt. Buildings were demolished; the library burned and
its walls fell on the tablets and crushed many of them. The last
king whose name is mentioned on the documents that survived the fire is
Nikmed. There was also found a proclamation which states that the
city was captured and Nikmed and all the foreigners were expelled. Ages
in Chaos pp
219-220
We are extremely interested in the
proclamation referred to by Velikovsky, but before we describe its
contents we should set the record straight regarding its context as
interpreted by the famed revisionist. By this stage in his
revision Velikovsky has already
made two serious errors regarding a king named Niqmed
(Niqmaddu). In the first place he wrongly assumes that the
Nikmed
whose name is mentioned on many documents which survived the
destructive fire, who
must therefore be Niqmaddu III of the king list provided above,
was the last king to govern the city before its final
destruction. Other documents clearly demonstrate that this
dubious honor belongs to Ammurapi, the son of Niqmaddu
III. Secondly, Velikovsky assumes, incorrectly as it
turns out, that the proclamation inscription he proceeds to describe
belonged to this same Niqmaddu III. We argue instead that it was
inscribed in the last days of Niqmaddu II and was subsequently
preserved in the city archives. Having voiced our objection
we allow Velikovsky to continue.
The proclamation found
in Ras Shamra is directly related to the upheaval in the life of the
city. Some invading king decreed that "the Jaman [Ionians], the
people of Didyme, the Khar [Carians], the Cypriotes, all foreigners,
together with the king Nikmed" were to be expelled from Ugarit, "all
those who pillage you, all those who oppress you, all those who
ruin you." Ages in Chaos, p 221 [ Velikovsky is here
quoting
a document as translated by the Hittite linguistic pioneers
Hrozny
["Les Ioniens a Ras-Shamra," Archiv Orientalni, IV (1932), 171] and
Dhorme [Revue biblique XL (1931), 37-39]
The proclamation referred to was
apparently addressed to the Phoenician element of the city's population
in the standard Ugaritic of the day (cuneiform semitic), and was
authored by some unknown invading or liberating monarch.
Hrozny, who first translated the docuemnt, expressed the opinion
that the king who erected the inscription
was perhaps Babylonian, this based on several hints in the
text. He also expressed remorse that the opening lines of
the text were missing, a sentiment echoed by Velikovsky.
The opening portion of
the proclamation is missing; this is regrettable because it might have
revealed the name of the king who expelled Nikmed. Who was the
king who conquered Ugarit, burned it, expelled its population, and
caused King Nikmed to flee? Ages in Chaos p. 221
Velikovsky promises to identify
the king in a later chapter. We will follow his
identification with interest. As it turns out, he is
correct. But unfortunately for Velikovsky, who continues
throughout to identify the Niqmed in the proclamation as Niqmaddu III,
and steadfastly maintains the belief that this same Niqmed ruled during
the last days of Ugarit's history, the chronology which he proposes
must be
rejected.
In the revised history there can be no
doubt as to the identity of the king who deposed Niqmaddu
II. According to the revised dates for the Ugaritic kings
proposed earlier, Niqmaddu II yielded the kingship to his son
'Arhalbu around the year 855 B.C. Those dates were
not created ad hoc in order to provide the syncronism we now
propose. They are simply the traditional dates of the
Ugaritic kings relative to the dates of the Hittite Empire
kings as revised earlier. It is therefore most significant
that Niqmaddu's
reign ended around the 4th year of Shalmanezer III, the precise
date when, according to Shalmanezer's annals, the Assyrian king
invaded Ugaritic territory for the second time. Even if we had no
further evidence to support our contention, we would strenuously argue
on the basis of this chronology that Shalmanezer III must be the
conqueror of Ugarit and thus the foreigner who deposed king Niqmaddu
II. But further evidence does exist. Again we listen again
to Velikovsky,
who first proposed the identification under discussion and found
reference to Niqmaddu in the Assyrian annals.
In the section "End of
Ugarit," in Chapter V, we asked, Who was the invader? We quoted
also a proclamation found in Ras Shamra-Ugarit in which the invading
king decreeed that "the Jaman [Ionians], the people of Didyme, the Khar
[Carians], the Cypriotes, all foreigners, together with the king
Nikmed," should be expelled from Ugarit. The opening portion of
the proclamation, which might have revealed the name of the king who
expelled Nikmed, is missing. Some intimation has been found that
Nikmed was expelled by the Babylonians .... This suggestion is
not far from the truth, since Babylon was incorporated by Shalmaneser
into his empire.
We are curious to know whether Shalmanezer left any written record of
his conquest of Ugarit. And in fact we find the following entry
twice repeated in his annals: "Year four: To the
cities of Nikdime [and] Nikdiera I drew near. They became
frightened at my mighty, awe-inspiring weapons and my grim warfare,
[and] cast themselves upon the sea in wicker[?] boats ---, I followed
after them in boats of ----, fought a great battle on the sea, defeated
them, and with their blood I dyed the sea like wool. [Luckenbill,
Records of Assyria, Sec 609]" Ages in Chaos, p. 309
In spite of many mistaken notions
regarding the historical positioning of Ugarit in his revised history
of the ancient near east, Velikovsky is in this one respect to be
credited with sound reasoning. The city of Nikdime in
the Assyrian records must, in context, refer to a coastal city in
the vicinity of Ugarit. The year is 855 B.C., the 4th year
of Shalmanezer III. According to our revised history it is
also the year the reign of king Niqmed II
ended at the hands of an invader. The proclamation found in
the
ruins of Ugarit maintains that a king
Niqmaddu was deposed by an invading king who had some east
Semitic (Babylonian) affinities. Shalmanezer III was king
of Assyria and Babylon. Let the reader decide the merits of
this sequence of "coincident" facts.
We should not be confused by the
inversion of two elements in the names Nikmed (Niqmaddu) and
Nikdime. As Velikovsky correctly argues:
The city of Nikdime
appears to be the city of Nikmed. Cities were named in honor of
their kings, and in this case it is put clearly, "of Nikdime."
The translator of this record also explained the words "city of
Nikdime" by a gloss; "personal name." The inversion of two
consonants, especially in personal names of foreign origin, is very
common among oriental peoples. (p. 309)
We leave the matter there and move to
the 8th century.