Chapter 4
Closing the Loop

One Final Objection - Ugarit


        Two distinct peoples dominated the north-eastern Mediterranean coastline during the heyday of the Hittite Empire, that is, in the time interval from Suppiluliumas I to Suppiluliumas II.   The northern and central coastal regions, those which lay east of the Orontes and the Lebanon range and ran roughly from Beirut to Simyra, were part of the state of Amurru, well known from the Amarna letters when it was dominated by a troublesome tyrant named Aziru.   Further north, extending to the Anatolian coastline, thus bordering the Hittite kingdom itself, lay the state controlled by the port city of Ugarit.

        Our interest in Ugarit later in this chapter is restricted to its final days in the middle of the 8th century.   Momentarily however, our attention remains focussed a century earlier. 

        In the last chapter, when we discussed at some length the infamous march by Shalmanezer III (858-824 B.C.) across the Hatti lands of north Syria to the Mediterranean coast, whence he "washed his weapons in the sea",  we omitted any reference to a potential problem for our thesis.  In our revised history the incident took place in Shalmanezer's initial year as king (858 B.C.) and was followed up by a second whirlwind tour of conquest, which again extended to the Mediterranean, in his 4th year (855 B.C.)    In our revised history these dates correspond to the initial years of the reign of Mursilis.   The city of Ugarit must have been a thriving metropolis at the time,  yet Shalmanezer makes no mention of its existence.   The critic will surely ask why.

       A closer look at the annals of Shalmanezer provides the answer.   In his initial tour of conquest Shalmanezer's advance to the sea took him  considerably to the south of Ugarit, where he apparently had no interest in engaging the peoples of the area in battle.    The Assyrian king expressly states in his annals that the cities of the coast offered no resistance.   Consequently they were left to themselves and are not named in his records. 

"I received tribute from the kings of the seashore.  I marched straightaway unopposed ... throughout the wide seashore", i.e. down the coast.  ANET 278

       As the annals continue it is apparent that the Assyrian army at the time moved southward, away from Ugarit.

       The situation was different in Shalmanezer's fourth year.  This time several coastal cities resisted the advance of the Assyrian army and were brutalized in response.  Again Ugarit is not mentioned by name, but this time its presence is confirmed, albeit obliquely.  Explaning precisely how requires us to first produce, in summary form, a listing of the city's kings during the final century of its existence.  

Kings of Ugarit         

        A listing of the known kings of Ugarit during the 9th/8th centuries will serve to support the accuracy of our revised chronology in two respects.  On the one hand it will allow us to argue our claim that the city continued to thrive at least as late as the 4th year of Shalmanezer III, thus through the middle decades of the 9th century B.C.   This fact, if it can be established, contrasts markedly with the view of the traditional history in which Ugarit was destroyed by a combination of marauders and natural disaster sometime late in the 13th century B.C.   The king list will establish with some degree of certainty that the dates we have provided for Mursilis are accurate within a few years.

        On the other hand our analysis of the king list will serve to validate a proposal we made earlier to considerably reduce the reign lengths of the Hittite kings Mursilis and Muwatallis, what some might have considered at the time to be an arbitrary and self-serving adjustment to the historical record.

        We begin with the latter issue.     

       
        Reduced Reign Lengths.  Following the accidental discovery of the site of Ugarit (Ras Shamra) early in the 20th century, multiple excavations provided a treasure trove of inscriptional material, much of it dating to the last century of the city's existence, the majority related to the final traumatic days before the city fell to the combined onslaught of invading "sea peoples" and catastophic earthquake(s).   Synchronisms between Hittite and Ugaritic kings provided by these materials allow scholars to establish the order and a rough chronology of the terminal Ugaritic kings, from the days of Suppiluliumas I to the fall of Hatti in the time of Suppiluliumas II.  
       
        According to several documents retrieved from the "rubble" of the city, the destruction of Ugarit and the fall of Hattusas must have occurred within months, if not days, of each other, an event we date to the middle of the 8th century, and discuss at length later in this chapter.   Our attention here is focussed on the middle of the ninth century, the time of a Ugaritic king named Niqmaddu and his sons Arhalbu and Niqmepa, who are clearly identified in the archives of Ugarit as contemporaries of Suppiluliumas I and his immediate descendants.

        Since the traditional history dates Suppiluliumas I and his immediate offspring to the 14th century B.C., it is compelled to date Niqmaddu and his sons to that same time frame.   We have previously listed the traditional dates for the Hittite kings.    The table below adds the approximate dates assigned by the traditional history to the kings of Ugarit for the same time period.   Comment follows.         

                                                                                     

 Hittite kings
Traditional Dates Kings of Ugarit Traditional dates.
Suppiluliumas I
1375-1335  Amishtamru I
c. 1360
Arnuwandas III 1335-1334  Niqmaddu II
1360-1330
Mursilis II 1334-1306  Arhalbu
1330-1324
Muwatallis 1306-1282  Niqmepa
1324-1265
Urhi-Teshub (Mursilis III) 1282-1275
 Amishtamru II
 1265-1240
Hattusilis III 1275-1250   Ibiranu
  1240-?
Tudhaliyas IV 1250-1220   Niqmaddu III
   ?-1225
Arnuwandas IV 1220-1200   Amurappi
  1225-1180
Suppiluliumas II ?        "
 
      

       The dates assigned to the kings of Ugarit vary considerably from scholar to scholar, depending in part on the dates assigned to their Hittite contemporaries.   However, several aspects of the chronology are invariable and need to be highlighted.

       While the length of the reign of the king known as Niqmaddu II is unknown, two aspects of his tenure in office are generally accepted.   His reign overlapped to a large extent the end of the reign of Suppiluliumas II, with whom he is known to have entered into a treaty relationship.   [The document describing Hittite suzerainty over Niqmaddu's realm is extant.]   It is also generally agreed that his reign extended into the early years of Mursilis II, ending enigmatically around the 4th or 5th year of this Hittite king.

       There is also general agreement that Niqmaddu II was succeeded by two sons,  Arhalbu and Niqmepa.   The first son ruled for less than a decade, his reign ending  mysteriously as the young king, forseeing his end, bequeathed his wife to his younger brother Niqmepa.   Perhaps he was dying of the plague which at the time ravaged the Hittite kingdom of Mursilis.    His brother was more fortunate.  Not only did he live to rule a normal span of years, but enjoyed a prolonged reign of upwards of 60 years, an abnormal longevity to say the least.   And therein lies the problem.  

         The extended reign of Niqmepa is the stuff of legends.  Documents confirm that his rule overlapped the reigns of Mursilis, Muwatallis, Urhi Teshub and Hattusilis.    And all this after he succeeded not his father, but his brother!   A cursory glance at the table above suggests that the combined reigns of Niqmaddu II and sons lasted for upwards of 100 years.   Remarkable if true!  Amazingly, scholars do not seem to have a problem with the suggestion.   In her Cambridge Ancient History article on "Ugarit" Margaret Drower merely cites the data and moves on.

After a long reign of perhaps more than sixty years, as the vassal of four successive Hittite sovereigns, Neqmepa was succeeded, about 1265 B.C. by his son Ammishtamru, the second of the name. CAH II.2 p. 141

       But the difficulty with the chronology does not end here.   Drower goes on immediately to document the reign of Niqmepa's son Amishtamru II.

Although he must have been a middle-aged man at the time of his accession, it would appear that the affairs of the state were managed for a short time by the dowager queen Akhat-milki, the daughter of King DU-Tessub of Amurru. (p. 141)

       Dower is mistaken.  There is really only one way to interpret the documents which form the basis for her otherwise innocuous statement.   Amushtamru was not, as stated, "a middle-aged man at the time of his accession".  He was clearly not old enough to reign when his father died, and the kingdom was for a time ruled in his stead by his mother.   But interpreting the evidence in this most straightforward way would only serve to compound the chronological difficulty.   It is already necessary to assume that Niqmepa (who was already an adult close to thirty years old when he inherited the throne from his brother) was well over ninety when his reign ended.   The suggestion that he fathered a child by his Amorite wife only a decade or so before his death only serves to exacerbate the problem.   While not impossible, the scenario is unlikely.    We believe that a faulty chronology is the likely cause of the problem.

       In the revised history the situation improves considerably.   With the reigns of Mursilis and Muwatallis overlapping and considerably reduced in length (as we argued in the last chapter), the reign length of  Niqmepa can be reduced to about half the traditional value.   The dates in the table below, although approximations only,  are probably accurate to within 5 years.  


 
Hittite kings
Revised Dates Kings of Ugarit Revised Dates.
Suppiluliumas I
908-858
 Amishtamru I

Arnuwandas III 858-857
 Niqmaddu II
883-855
Mursilis II 857-836
 Arhalbu
855-848
Muwatallis 846-832
 Niqmepa
848-815
Urhi-Teshub (Mursilis III) 832-825
 Amishtamru II
815-790
Hattusilis III 825-800
  Ibiranu
790-?
Tudhaliyas IV 800-775
  Niqmaddu III
?-775
Arnuwandas IV 775-765
  Amurappi
775-760
Suppiluliumas II 765-760
      



       The Expulsion of Niqmaddu II.  The history of Ugarit under discussion relates to our thesis in yet another way, previously mentioned.    In both the traditional and revised histories there is consensus that the reign of Niqmaddu II ended in a bizarre fashion sometime early in the reign of Mursilis II.   The two historical schemes differ only in the absolute dates assigned to the incident, and thus in the interpretation of the relevant data.   Since much of the discussion which follows is not original to this author, and is borrowed from the earlier revisionist work of Immanuel Velikovsky, we use that author's words to introduce the relevant documents.

       In the fifth chapter of his Ages in Chaos Velikovsky describes an inscription found in the ruins of  Ugarit which he relates to the time of the final destruction of the city.  

The excavator of Ras Shamra found that the city had been destroyed by violence and had not been rebuilt.  Buildings were demolished; the library burned and its walls fell on the tablets and crushed many of them.  The last king whose name is mentioned on the documents that survived the fire is Nikmed.  There was also found a proclamation which states that the city was captured and Nikmed and all the foreigners were expelled. Ages in Chaos pp 219-220

       We are extremely interested in the proclamation referred to by Velikovsky, but before we describe its contents we should set the record straight regarding its context as interpreted by the famed revisionist.   By this stage in his revision Velikovsky has already made two serious errors regarding a king named Niqmed (Niqmaddu).   In the first place he wrongly assumes that the Nikmed whose name is mentioned on many documents which survived the destructive fire, who must therefore be Niqmaddu III of the king list provided above,  was the last king to govern the city before its final destruction.   Other documents clearly demonstrate that this dubious honor belongs to Ammurapi, the son of Niqmaddu III.    Secondly, Velikovsky assumes, incorrectly as it turns out, that the proclamation inscription he proceeds to describe belonged to this same Niqmaddu III.   We argue instead that it was inscribed in the last days of Niqmaddu II and was subsequently preserved in the city archives.   Having voiced our objection we allow Velikovsky to continue.

The proclamation found in Ras Shamra is directly related to the upheaval in the life of the city.  Some invading king decreed that "the Jaman [Ionians], the people of Didyme, the Khar [Carians], the Cypriotes, all foreigners, together with the king Nikmed" were to be expelled from Ugarit, "all those who pillage you, all those who oppress you, all those who ruin  you." Ages in Chaos, p 221  [ Velikovsky is here quoting  a document as translated by the Hittite linguistic pioneers Hrozny  ["Les Ioniens a Ras-Shamra," Archiv Orientalni, IV (1932), 171] and Dhorme [Revue biblique XL (1931), 37-39] 

       The proclamation referred to was apparently addressed to the Phoenician element of the city's population in the standard Ugaritic of the day (cuneiform semitic), and was authored by some unknown invading or liberating monarch.   Hrozny, who first translated the docuemnt,  expressed the opinion that the king who erected the inscription was perhaps Babylonian, this based on several hints in the text.   He also expressed remorse that the opening lines of the text were missing, a sentiment echoed by Velikovsky.

The opening portion of the proclamation is missing; this is regrettable because it might have revealed the name of the king who expelled Nikmed.  Who was the king who conquered Ugarit, burned it, expelled its population, and caused King Nikmed to flee?  Ages in Chaos p. 221

        Velikovsky promises to identify the king in a later chapter.   We will follow his identification with interest.   As it turns out, he is correct.   But unfortunately for Velikovsky, who continues throughout to identify the Niqmed in the proclamation as Niqmaddu III, and steadfastly maintains the belief that this same Niqmed ruled during the last days of Ugarit's history, the chronology which he proposes must be rejected.

       In the revised history there can be no doubt as to the identity of the king who deposed Niqmaddu II.   According to the revised dates for the Ugaritic kings proposed earlier, Niqmaddu II yielded the kingship to his son 'Arhalbu around the year 855 B.C.    Those dates were not created ad hoc in order to provide the syncronism we now propose.    They are simply the traditional dates of the Ugaritic kings relative to the dates of the Hittite Empire kings as revised earlier.   It is therefore most significant that Niqmaddu's reign ended around the 4th year of  Shalmanezer III, the precise date when, according to Shalmanezer's annals,  the Assyrian king invaded Ugaritic territory for the second time.  Even if we had no further evidence to support our contention, we would strenuously argue on the basis of this chronology that Shalmanezer III must be the conqueror of Ugarit and thus the foreigner who deposed king Niqmaddu II.   But further evidence does exist.  Again we listen again to Velikovsky, who first proposed the identification under discussion and found reference to Niqmaddu in the Assyrian annals.

In the section "End of Ugarit," in Chapter V, we asked, Who was the invader?  We quoted also a proclamation found in Ras Shamra-Ugarit in which the invading king decreeed that "the Jaman [Ionians], the people of Didyme, the Khar [Carians], the Cypriotes, all foreigners, together with the king Nikmed," should be expelled from Ugarit.  The opening portion of the proclamation, which might have revealed the name of the king who expelled Nikmed, is missing.  Some intimation has been found that Nikmed was expelled by the Babylonians ....  This suggestion is not far from the truth, since Babylon was incorporated by Shalmaneser into his empire. 
We are curious to know whether Shalmanezer left any written record of his conquest of Ugarit.  And in fact we find the following entry twice repeated in his annals: "Year four: To the cities of Nikdime [and] Nikdiera I drew near.  They became frightened at my mighty, awe-inspiring weapons and my grim warfare, [and] cast themselves upon the sea in wicker[?] boats ---, I followed after them in boats of ----, fought a great battle on the sea, defeated them, and with their blood I dyed the sea like wool. [Luckenbill, Records of Assyria, Sec 609]"   Ages in Chaos, p. 309   
      
       In spite of many mistaken notions regarding the historical positioning of Ugarit in his revised history of the ancient near east, Velikovsky is in this one respect to be credited with sound reasoning.    The city of Nikdime in the Assyrian records must, in context,  refer to a coastal city in the vicinity of Ugarit.   The year is 855 B.C., the 4th year of Shalmanezer III.   According to our revised history it is also the year the reign of king Niqmed II ended at the hands of an invader.  The  proclamation found in the ruins of  Ugarit  maintains  that a  king Niqmaddu  was deposed by an invading king who had some east Semitic (Babylonian) affinities.   Shalmanezer III was king of Assyria and Babylon.   Let the reader decide the merits of this sequence of "coincident" facts.

       We should not be confused by the inversion of two elements in the names Nikmed (Niqmaddu) and Nikdime.   As Velikovsky correctly argues:

The city of Nikdime appears to be the city of Nikmed.  Cities were named in honor of their kings, and in this case it is put clearly, "of Nikdime."  The translator of this record also explained the words "city of Nikdime" by a gloss; "personal name."  The inversion of two consonants, especially in personal names of foreign origin, is very common among oriental peoples.  (p. 309)

       We leave the matter there and move to the 8th century.